Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative didn't hasten the end of the Cold War, Soviet documents show.
The pursuit of strategic stability has become the single most serious obstacle to nuclear disarmament.
As the dispute over missile defense between Russia and the United States shows no signs of calming down, the international community would be wise to remember that missile defense is not the vital national security issue both countries pretend it to be.
With enough worldwide fissile materials for thousands of weapons, nuclear security must be a top priority. The summit should address the security of military stocks and focus on accountability, standards of physical protection, and coordinated international efforts.
Missile defense will not disappear from the US-Russian discussions after New START. But there is no reason it should prevent deeper nuclear reductions.
At the Lisbon summit in November, alliance members will decide on their role in the US missile defense program in Europe. Will this amount to a pointless program or a clever way to forge partnerships among Russia, the US, and NATO?
The new U.S.-Russian arms control agreement is a modest step toward warhead reduction, but it's a significant step forward for Washington and Moscow's relationship.
Washington and Moscow shouldn't try to find a place for tactical nuclear weapons in the overall balance of their relationship. Instead, the two countries should take them for what they are--weapons with absolutely no military value.
On the surface, missile defense seems enticing--prevent the delivery of nuclear weapons and prevent nuclear war. But in reality, it's useless.
Their commitment to bilateral nuclear arms reductions dominated the headlines, but presidents Obama and Medvedev found additional common ground in Moscow that also should improve U.S.-Russian relations.
Inevitably, some analysts will use Pyongyang's nuclear test to question the feasibility of a nuclear-weapon-free world. But they're missing the point--a world full of nuclear weapons hasn't deterred North Korea either.
It's encouraging that Barack Obama and Dmitry Medvedev want to further limit the size of their nuclear arsenals, but any new treaty they formulate must also include strict verification measures.
By voluntarily subscribing to START reporting processes, France and Britain could keep the pressure on Russia and the United States to reduce their nuclear forces.
Hopes are high for a new U.S.-Russian arms control agreement, but in the meantime, Moscow is continuing to develop new weapons programs that will only complicate such an accord.
To achieve the next step in the disarmament process, Washington and Moscow will need to overcome three major points of disagreement. Here's how they can do it.
A new administration means a new opportunity to forge a U.S.-Russian missile defense cooperative in Europe. Getting there won't be easy, but it's not impossible.
Although much maligned among arms control advocates, the U.S.-India nuclear deal might actually provide an opportunity to strengthen the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty regime.
To prevent future conflicts such as the recent fighting in Georgia from developing, Washington and Moscow must build an equitable and trusting partnership.